ESSAY - PART 1
HOW THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHALL
USE THE CONSTITUTION TO FLOUT THE CONSTITUTION
There is no right under the
Commonwealth Constitution enabling citizens to bear arms. Balancing
this, the Commonwealth was given no express power over firearms and
ammunition.
That's something which the
Commonwealth has decided to flout.
At present, control of firearms is
governed by eight different Australian jurisdictions. This was the
intention of the Australian Constitution, which determined that the only
power which the Commonwealth should have over firearms should be the
control upon the importation of firearms and ammunition. It was
for the States and Territories to regulate the sale, purchase,
possession and storage of firearms in accordance.
So the Commonwealth Government has set
out, with bureaucratic malice aforethought, by implication, coercion and
subterfuge, to redress its lack of power.
Why?
Well, the Commonwealth is offended by
the lack of uniform laws between the States. (Freedom and liberty are
most untidy rights for other persons to have.) For instance, there
are inconsistencies between the States provisions, including but not
limited to:-
*minors can obtain a firearms
licence;
*a firearms licence is valid for
life
*there is no specific requirement
relating to the mental or physical condition of the applicant for a
licence,
*there is no limit on the number
of guns that can be held by a particular owner
*automatic firearms can be owned
by collectors or for the purposes of film production
*semi-automatic weapons can be
legally owned
*there is no restriction on
ammunition sales,
*not all firearms need be
registered.
OK. First, let's eliminate the
Territories liberty to conduct their own affairs free of the
interference of the Commonwealth. Easy - Under S.122 of the
Constitution, the Commonwealth may use the territories power to
legislate comprehensively on firearms and ammunition in the ACT and the
Northern Territory. But that might be politically unpopular in the
Northern territory.
Well then, by introducing
uniform firearms practices in the States and territories, first by
seeking a co-operative approach and, when this did not work entirely as
intended, then by legislative and financial coercion, the
Commonwealth could get its way.
So, in embarking upon its intended
course, it examined a number of heads of power that could be useful to
these intents. For example, it considered using the corporations power
to regulate or prohibit trading and financial corporations from dealing
in certain firearms and ammunition or from dealing in firearms not on a
national firearms register. It decided that it was also possible to use
its power over postal services to prohibit or restrict mail order sales
of firearms. It even considered using its interstate trade and commerce
power to prohibit or regulate interstate trade in certain firearms and
ammunition.
Then it got even more devious
thoughts.
(Not that they'd do anything, mind
you, Muggins. Australian Governments NEVER abuse power, not while the
High Court is looking their way, they don't. Except when they secretly
sponsor constitutional attacks upon Federal Power in anticipation of
scaring the States into "co-operative approaches," that is.)
If a relevant international treaty
existed to which Australia was a party, then the external affairs power
might be used to legislate on the subject of firearms in a way
reasonably proportionate to the treaty.
The idea has even been considered of
using the external affairs power as a basis for a Constitutional head of
power through which it could regulate gun laws in Australia. This is
certainly a novel concept, and the viability of such an approach would
certainly come under attention from the High Court.
There's also financial coercion, known
in more polite circles as The Grants Power. For example, the
Commonwealth might 'grant financial assistance to any State on
such terms and conditions as the Parliament sees fit.'
Decisions of the High Court decisions support the contention that,
by using section 96 of the Constitution, it can thus make grants
available on the condition that each enacts firearms legislation
containing particular provisions - thus enabling uniform legislation to
come into existence. The Commonwealth could also withhold monies where
undertakings were not honoured or a State refused to comply with the
Commonwealth's wishes.
It could also make its wishes known to
the states in meetings of State Commissioners of Police. His Master's
Voice tends to trickle down to the lower rungs, and gradually, Weapons
Licence Branch policies change.
Financial assistance may be granted
over subject matter on which the Commonwealth otherwise has no authority
and the terms and conditions imposed may be such that a recipient State
has no control over the activities being financed. Of course, a State
would have to be as duteous to the Commonwealth's vices as the
Commonwealth would desire.
There's also its external affairs
power. The legal threshold which must be passed before an issue can fall
within the Commonwealth's external affairs power has not been finally,
or at least fully, determined. But waiting in the wings are (a) The
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which is one of the
three central parts of the UN's Bill of Human Rights which states that
'Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person,' and
(b) The Convention on the Rights of the Child.
While there are no multilateral
treaties which deal directly with the issue of the regulation of gun
ownership, there are bodies within the United Nations which have
expressed views dealing explicitly with gun ownership and which are also
concerned at the issue of violence more generally. The Congress on the
Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, for instance, has
recommended that Member States take the necessary steps to control urban
violence by limiting and controlling access to 'weapons, including
through international co-operation'.
Of course, all these are but a candle
in the wind to the possibilities of using International Terrorism as a
reason for the Commonwealth to assume the power to take the prize...
|